Farming History

History of the San Pedro Vegetable Growers (Co-operative) Association (SPVGA)

The Issei generation has passed with the intimate details of the earliest history of the San Pedro Vegetable Growers Association. So JAHMP research relies heavily on English translations of Japanese books that had the most detailed Issei history of farm communities in California. Rather than summarize its contents, we offer a word-for-word translation.

Note: Translations always carry a margin of error. Old Japanese surnames can be "spelled with the same letters," but read many different ways. Also note that in old maps, Palos Verdes land masses were designated "San Pedro Hills" in early periods, thus, San Pedro Vegetable Growers, etc.

A. Pioneer Period and Business Enterprises (English translation)

One of the first immigrants to San Pedro Hills ranches was an Aichi native named Kanehara [Kimbara]. He rented a piece of land in White Point and experimented with tomato cultivation. He was followed by Ryoichi Hatashita who began "immigrant farming" at the same ranch in 1910. The following year Ichisuke Taniguchi, Otokichi Ueno and Jozo Ohno immigrated. In the same year, Kumekichi Ishibashi started to farm in Palos Verdes, the current location of the co-operative headquarters. A few years later, a number of immigrants moved into the San Pedro District 26 area from Moneta [Gardena]; they rented land at Sepulveda Ranch. Also, a large number of immigrants relocated towards the Redondo side from Inglewood. One of them was Goichi Kubo. The same year, Ichiro Sawai, an Osaka native, immigrated there with [Tomizo] Ishibashi. Using 500-acre land, Sawai successfully cultivated potatoes and lima beans. This seemed to have contributed to a temporary popularity of potato production. However, in 1912, Sawai relocated to another area due to the strained relationship with John Weherman. Next, Shigesaku Kobayashi and a few other people began to lease land in the coastal area. As a result, the entire coast area was occupied by fellow [Japanese] countrymen. By 1915, there were approximately 60 farm households and 3,500 acres of farmland to grow produce such as peas, beans, squashes, cucumbers, tomatoes, corn, melons, and potatoes. Fortunately, the weather was mild, warm, and frost-free all year long; the land was fertile. The results were an abundance of good crops and profits.

Several years after the cooperative was founded, all the farmers had to ride wagons or walk 3 to 10 miles on rough roads to attend annual meetings. Yet, as soon as they gathered, numerous opinions abounded and heated discussions ensued. By the time they were homeward-bound, it was already dawn. Their spirit and enthusiasm were certainly worthy of admiration. Thus, every time we consider that, we cannot help being moved.

At that time the cooperative was united. But in 1924, the cooperative had no choice, but to be divided into two organizations: White Point and District 26. Also, "one of them" [unclear in original text] merged with the Redondo Cooperative, eventually forming the existing San Pedro Vegetable Growers Association (SPVGA).

The above is a mere fraction of the history in the struggling pioneer period. Currently, the farmland area is approximately 2,200 acres, the number of cooperative members totals 36 households, and the population is approximately 200.

English translation by Hajime Ohno, ©2006, JAHMP

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B. Inside Workings of SPVGA (summarized from the English translation)

Reading through 1938 SPVGA records, the cooperative leadership appeared to be highly capable and experienced managers who delegated responsibilities to assure coordination between the growers' yields, shifting conditions and downtown marketing. For example, in 193 SPVGA had a good bean crop that yielded over 5000 bushels versus a usual total of 3000 bushels on the market. This glut drove down local prices. To compensate for losses SPVGA risked shipping beans to Chicago with profitable results. As a result, shipping to east-based markets was adopted.

For the fullest profitability for the cooperative as a whole, members agreed to certain guidelines and requirements: 5% of total sales from member ranches was paid for SPVGA's operation. cash-only sales allowed outside L.A., no commission sales to San Francisco and Oakland, a ban on farmers selling at the produce market themselves, set payment days. SPVGA also set wage ceilings for laborers, including women and wives engaged in field work.

• Japanese Male: 32.5 cents or less per hour
• Japanese Female: 30 cents per hour
• Wife with meals: monthly salary of less than $150
• Mexican: 30 cents per hour

[end of translation summary]

Good years meant families could build on their savings. However meager the amount, a few families did return to Japan 3-4 times richer – the sojourner's dream come true as in the case of the elder Kadonaga family (see Tottori immigration). When SPVGA families left, ranch fields became vacant allowing remaining families to take over neighboring plots or they invited relatives from the husband or wife's side or prefectural kinsmen to join the community. SPVGA successfully maintained a continual flow of leaseholders for during the 30 year span of Palos Verdes' farm era and relieved the landowner of seeking new recruitments. On the other hand, it allowed SPVGA tighter control over a membership who would share a common work ethic and language. In times of " or labor strikes, an organized collective functioned as a union might by sharing risks among its membership

In times of, SPVGA families could more easily band together, pool resources and voluntarily relocate en masse to Strathmore, CA. By living in the same geographical zones established by WRA, the Strathmore group also relocated to the same camp (Poston II). The extreme uncertainty of that period was at least countered by a sense of belonging to a familiar community experiencing the same fate.

By 1938, the San Pedro Vegetable Growers Association was known as a model agricultural cooperative both in Southern California and jn Japan. This was a tremendous accomplishment from the ground up despite considerable anti-Japanese legislation that overshadowed their every step.

©2006, JAHMP
Loan of lease courtesy by the Ishibashi family

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C. Typical SPVGA Board Membership & Representatives (1930's)

President: Yujiro NAKANO
Vice President: Masa KADONAGA, Harue ONISHI
Special Accountants: Ryoichi HATASHITA, Tomizo ISHIBASHI
Auditors: Tamotsu ASHIMOTO, Fusaichi MOTOIKE
Purchasing Dept. Chief: Hamajiro YASUI
Purchasing Dept. Vice Chief: Noboru YAMAMOTO
Education Dept. Chief: Sadahei HIROSE
Education Dept. Vice Chief: Kumekichi ISHIBASHI
Education Dept. Accountant: Norishige YASAKI, Tomonoshin YOSHIMOTO
Ranch Representatives:
Zone 1: Gosaku YOKOTA, Chozo TSUBOCHI; Zone 2: Yojiro KUBOTA, Otokichi UENO; Zone 3: Kosuke HATASHITA, Sannosuke INO, Yukimichi SUMI
Adviser: Otokichi UENO, Sales Dept. Manager: Eishin KANAZAWA

English translation by Hajime Ohno, ©2006, JAHMP
* Boldfaced names were participating JAHMP descendant families

Land Tenancy

Land Cash Rental/Palos Verdes Leases

The earliest lease JAHMP could find was graciously loaned by the Kumekichi Ishibashi family descendants. It was entitled "Memorandum of Farm Lease" by the Palos Verdes Company, dated Sept 1, 1910. The leasee signatures listed were: C. Hayashi, K. Ozaki, K. Ishibashi and Jotham Bixby as "resident" (landowner). It identified a 50 acre tract at $6 per acre with $150 as first installment. The final payment was due one year later in gold coins. Any default meant immediate seizure of land, with tenants still liable for rent (lease), domestic water costs, harvests and removal of any crops and buildings erected by the leasees. J. Lawyer represented the landowners until the mid-1920's

By 1914, the annual cash rental increased to $400 and leaseholders dropped to two: K. Ishibashi & K. Oye. Subsequent lease terms were:

1916: 55 acres – annual rent =$550 (K. Ishibashi)
1918: 63 acres – annual rent =$787.50 (K. Ishibashi)
1919: 63 acres – annual rent =$787.50 (K. Ishibashi)
1921-1923: 63 acres – annual rent =$2835, a 3 yr contract

Why the hike? In the early 1920's, the Palos Verdes Project was conceived as an ambitious investment scheme to have potential tenants buy into extensive coastal residential estates from Lunada Bay southeastwardly. Apparently anticipating eviction of Japanese leaseholders, the corporation tripled the cash rental and added: "The lessor reserves the right in the event of a sale of said demised premises to terminate this lease before the expiration of said term". When the grand scheme failed, followed by the 1929 depression hitting wealthy financiers, SPVGA families were given a fortuitous reprieve.

Anti-Asian exclusionary legislation was at its height fueled by Hearst syndicate newspapers. Picture bride visas came to a halt in 1920 that curtailed any new Issei family enterprises. The 1922 Ozawa vs Supreme Court case ruled out naturalization for Asian aliens on racial grounds; held in effect to 1952. In 1924, an immigration quota system was set up favoring western and Northern Europe. The 1924 Immigration Act nullified the Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907 and thus, terminated entries of all "alien ineligible for citizenship" to the U.S.

In 1925, K. Ishibashi's contract become an employee of Los Angeles County and was responsible for "at least 8 hrs" of farming a day earning $300 monthly in an annual renewable contract. All other needs, such as fertilizer, irrigation water, seed, plants were now "furnished by the employer"-- only on paper. According to the contract. the landowner had rights to sell produce, but could authorize the leasee as an agent to handle deliveries and market sales as they saw fit. This autonomy over the years legally allowed the San Pedro Vegetable Growers co-operative to flourish in the 1930's and maintain their wholesale market connections.

As a historical note in the 1910's, leases gave landowners rights to occupy one side of the barn to allow public access through the premises or to accommodate other tenants specified in the lease. Palos Verdes was still a vast and former cattle land with dirt roads and sparse housing. Horses and wagons were the most common means of transportation. Travel time was also long requiring temporary lodging. Later this was changed to general access through properties to add infrastructure improvements, etc.

©2006 JAHMP
Loan of leases courtesy of the Ishibashi family

Landowners

Palos Verdes Peninsula Landowners and Associates

Most Peninsula landowners took interest in their Japanese tenants by virtue of their close residency. Sepulveda and Palos Verdes landowners employed resident managers, accountants or sons to oversee properties. Harry Phillips, under Jotham Bixby, helped to recruit the early Japanese farmers. In later years, Irwin Hall, PV accountant, visited ranches daily to record numbers of crates shipped to the produce markets/canneries. Mr. Hall also bought ranch produce to supply San Pedro port ships. His family formed warm relationships with Japanese families to the extent of hosting the Kubota daughter when she attended Long Beach Junior (City) College. Corporate title owners in 1940 were Palos Verdes Corporation-Rolling Hills and the Palos Verdes Home Association. A.E. Hanson handled ranch negotiations when SPVGA families evacuated in 1942.

Roman Sepulveda, esteemed and stately landowner in San Pedro, often arrived on horseback to inspect his White Point properties. He constructed the Royal Palms resort complete with an outdoor dance pavilion facing the ocean and allowed construction of a neighboring Tagami Hotel & Hot Springs for the Japanese (1917-1935). His young sons were frequent visitors at local ranch houses helping themselves to Japanese dinner meals prepared for workers ahead of time-- much to the chagrin of ranch wives. His more business-oriented son bred resentment for the house rent he charged on top of other payments. One source reported that the elder Roman Sepulveda was extremely supportive of Japanese and dropped out of the Native Sons of the West in protest to their discriminatory views.

Frank Vanderlip, Sr., a well-known and connected New York financier-landowner who operated through corporate entities. The Vanderlip family built the most prominent estate on the Peninsula with lovely gardens, a summer villa with building materials from Italy. In the 1920's, Vanderlip traveled to Japan where he came into contact with prominent Japanese politicians and industrial leaders of that period. He, no doubt, had firsthand knowledge of Japanese society and life through this trip.

Pre- and Post- World War II

Issei-Nisei Agriculture

Although it took 30 years, the strides Issei-Nisei farmers made were tremendous. By 1940, 17,452 California Japanese were responsible for 90% of the snap beans marketed, also celery, peppers and strawberries and half to 90% of rtichokes, canning snap beans, artichokes, cauliflower, spinach and tomatoes harvested. They also cultivated from 25-50% of asparagus, cabbage, cantaloupes, carrots, lettuce, onions and watermelons.

Thirty per cent of California farms were in Los Angeles County. The Japanese produce sent to the Los Angeles wholesale market amounted to:

87% of vegetables for fresh marketing
64% of truck crops for processing

JAHMP ranch families contributed in both sectors. Their main crops were Kentucky Wonder beans, Earliana tomatoes, snap peas as well as squash, cucumbers, celery.

At the 1000 local produce stands in Los Angeles County, (1940), Japanese American farms provided 75% of the green vegetables and 37% of the staple fruits and vegetables. Min Tonai's father brought SPVGA produce for their stands in San Pedro. Long time residents of Palos Verdes remember Annie's Stand (Ishibashi family), a well-known landmark on the Peninsula. The children of other Peninsula families also manned vegetable stands. One was run on the honor system with a money pot and a pile of vegetables. Once set up, the kids would escape to play at the coast below. Even non-farming children joined the enterprise, one Caucasian adult admitted in childhood--he would buy their vegetables, brown bag them and went door to door selling them at double the price, of course.

Lightness aside, Issei accomplishments were hardly admired as American farm pioneers would have been. The U.S. Dept. of Interior report, People in Motion, The Postwar Adjustment of the Evacuated Japanese Americans, acknowledged, but faulted the Japanese who were the victimized evacuees rather than the instigators of racism:

"The fact that competition was within a narrow range of products and successful within that range accounts for the severity of the prejudice against the Japanese in agriculture. The primary virtues of the Japanese farmers – willingness to take in infinite pains, to work with great diligence to bring low value land to productivity, To live soberly and with frugality--became faults which caused alarm, because the Issei farmer was a part of a visible minority. His ability to compete could be attacked by political as well as economic means. The setting up of markets within control of his own group provided the Issei farmer with security, but also served to increase resentment and prejudice."

In 1940, 76.5% of L.A. County Japanese farms (1477 farms) were leased or sharecropped with Caucasian landowners/entities with only 113 Japanese- American owned. Statistics didn't necessarily translate into profit margins. The Palos Verdes Peninsula and West San Pedro leaseholders were responsible for paying usual farm costs on top of leases: seasonal workers, water, equipment, housing and the costs of cultivation. Poor yields in " years meant missed payments and threat of cancelled leases. The value of forming an agricultural co-operative was key to SPVGA's long term survival.

Independent ranches were more vulnerable, so subsidence farming was more often the case. The Issei farmer, "an alien ineligible for citizenship" and land ownership could only achieve wealth by returning to Japan where the value of his earnings were inflated.

Evacuation had its toll on West Coast agriculture: "Nearly three-fourths of of the farm acreage, including that leased, was lost and the entire (Japanese American) market organization was destroyed." The pre-war wholesale market business by Japanese amounted to $26 million according to Dept. of Interior reports. The two sectors of ethnic farmers and sellers operating in tandem made the system work.

Only two major pre-war Palos Verdes SPGVA families returned to the Peninsula to cultivate: the Ishibashis and the Nakanos. Both families had young and able sons to re-launch vegetable as well as profitable flower cultivation in the Long Point area. The Ishibashi men had farmed in Utah after a brief stay at Poston II and maintained their physical stamina. More workers per family meant more accumulated savings when working for outside camp employers at higher wages. The internee full time pay was set at $12, $16 and $19 (for professionals) a month. Although internment camp jobs were plentiful, they only served to sustain camp operations.

Families whose fathers were taken into custody on filmsy charges and unjustifiably detained suffered greater economic, physical and emotional consequences. One father died from cancer while incarcerated at Tule Lake. Other families chose repatriation under duress from a sense of hopelessness after 30 years of endeavor had turned to dust. One family lost two sons in battle who served on both sides of the Pacific.

For aging Issei men and women returnees with no savings to lease land, buy equipment, farming or any physically demanding occupation became unrealistic. Los Angeles lease costs had multiplied during wartime. Post-war expansion of urban housing had eliminated open spaces. Nisei sons and daughters sought other occupations.

A small group of Poston-PV families moved to Seabrook Farms in New Jersey. Seabrook took in 2300 returnees, providing employment and housing in segregated villages--not unlike the camps they had just left. Seabrook Farms engaged 800 in the fields while 700 worked in processing plants for frozen and canned Birds Eye products. The Kawashiri family stayed four years at Seabrook Farms and eventually returned to Los Angeles.

After camp closures, Los Angeles returnees found housing the greatest obstacle due to L.A.'s post-WWII population boom and white-only restrictive covenants. In 1946, the Sumi family arrived homeless and took refuge in Buddhist churches. They finally settled in former Japanese language classrooms converted into a hostel for two years before buying a house in Hawthorne. Other families (Kubota, Seo) who were WW II veterans or had KIA husbands/fathers (Gold Star) stayed in westside Long Beach housing projects (Truman Boyd & Cabrillo Heights). Japanese returnees could also be found in temporary trailor parks scattered throughout Los Angeles

Twenty years after World War II, inevitable building developments forced farm families from the upscale Peninsula. By February, 1977, the James Ishibashi & Mas Ishibashi's 150 acres leases were cancelled. Their fields became a 21 unit townhouse complex. Mas' son, Tom Ishibashi, eventually relocated his fields next to Torrance (CA) Airport and operates a still-popular vegetable stand. (See www.tomstorrancefarm.com). The Yujiro Nakano family was evicted much earlier in the mid-1950's when Marineland was developed. Yujiro and two sons bought land in Chula Vista, south of San Diego, CA and continued vegetable farming. The Hiroses returned to the same ranch site, but left four years later. Hachie and Sen Kojima, Poston friends of the Ishibashis, began farming in PV post-WW II. Seventy-nine.

©2006, JAHMP

West San Pedro Farming

West San Pedro & White Point Ranches

Geographically, the Japanese dry farmed ranches spread from San Pedro and White Point (SP & WP) areas proceeding southwestwardly along the Palos Verdes coastline. According to one report, unemployed Issei railroad workers traveled the rails into San Pedro area depots. They saw the possibility of new occupations in fishing and abalone industries common in Japan. By the late 1890's, there were pockets of Japanese in San Pedro (Pt.Timms from one report) and White Point that pre-dated the Palos Verdes farming period. There is little doubt that these first Issei were acquainted with the coastline coves, marine life and climate conditions of the Peninsula. Japanese translations note that a Mr. Kanehara from Aichi Prefecture and Ryoichi Hatashita (former abalone fisherman) tried out crops, like tomatoes. Families also streamed in from Moneta-Gardena, a well-known strawberry growing area. SP & WP had immigrated from a mix of Japanese prefectures which attests to community-building from several areas of Southern California and perhaps a rapid turn-over of leaseholders. This was unlike original SPVGA families who attracted prefectural families over time.

Early White Point and West San Pedro ranch families are pictured together in the San Pedro Vegetable Growers Association community building dedication photo taken in November, 1922. Two years later, San Pedro/ White Point ranches left the SPVGA cooperative and became independent. Drought years followed in 1924-1925. By1925, encroaching land development evicted the ranch neighborhood in 1925. Miss Bertha Josephine Allemeyer, a local resident and Free Methodist missionary to the Harbor Area Japanese, acted to intervene upon their behalf without success. Approximately five to six ranches stayed on, by relocating uphill to Roman Sepulveda owned land, remote from encroaching city residences. The Masaki Tanaka family kept farming until the World War II evacuation. Other families scattered to other parts of Los Angeles in other occupations or returned to Japan.

The West San Pedro and White Point ranches fell under Roman Sepulveda ownership. They endured more sharecropping conditions as management changed. One White Point family paid rent for occupying a previous built housing or when families had difficulty making payments in " years, there was no other labor allowed in lieu of crops payments like the early days. In winter, Japanse families sought side income where they could. Debts even followed them into assembly centers: one White Point family received a bill for crops they could not harvest because of evacuation.

From the start, these SP-WP ranches had different landowners and leases, dissimilar climate conditions (more inland and isolated fields) compared to Palos Verdes ranches that ran along the southern band of the coast. Although not a formal cooperative, the SP-WP ranches sent produce to somewhat different canneries (e.g. Fullerton) from SPVGA ones. Both SP & WP and SPGVA grew similar crops of tomatoes, beans, peas. Celery was grown by one White Point ranch.

The West San Pedro and White Point families leased land from Roman Sepulveda, who personally oversaw estate activities on horseback. Families endured more stringent sharecropping conditions as management changed hands. Rent was charged for occupying owner- built housing. When families had difficulty making payments in " years, there was no alternative labor in lieu of crops as in the early days. In winter, families sought side income wherever they could. In one case, a White Point family received a bill for crops after being evacuated to Santa Anita Assembly Center during World War II.

The Nisei ranch children all crossed paths at the same San Pedro public schools, but SPVGA and independent ranch families had fewer social connections and mutual community places once the SPVGA community hall was built. Nearer to San Pedro, famiies could visit Tajimi Tagami's White Point Hotel, a popular Issei resort. Many prefectural kenjinkai picnics and gatherings were held at White Point (now Royal Palms State Beach).

White Point ranches were located immediately southwest of Fort MacArthur and other military installations which expanded during World War II. Ranch structures were razed by the military or dissembled by families relocating. Much of peninsular coastal waters became polluted from remnants of World War II artillery practices and was being cleaned up as late as the 1990's.Today only embedded stones of a koi pond, a few shrub-like olive trees, a hotel fountain remind the White Point ranch families of what once was.

©2006, JAHMP

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