Issei History

Issei Prefectural Immigration

General Issei Migration from Tottori

By Prof. Takeo Yamamoto

Migration from Tottori Prefecture, northwest of Osaka, was not especially early, nor was its numbers strikingly large. During Meiji Period, it took 7–10 days to travel from Tottori to Osaka and Kobe area. The earliest record of their migration to North America was in the late 1890s when a group of people moved to Steveston, a fishing village in Vancouver, Canada. This seems to have been a trigger, and they started to head for the United States, too. From old Wada village (now, Wada town in Yonago city), which sits in the middle of Yumihama Peninsula, 31 villagers left for the United States from 1900 to 1907. Their motivations were not political nor religious but economical: they crossed the ocean for better-off lives. Their solidarity, alignment, and collective lifestyle enabled them to be successful sooner than expected. Their communal life in farms and orchards in Redland, California was called Wada Company. Once their life was stabilized, they called their wives and children from Japan to live with them, and their migrant lifestyle was gradually over. Nevertheless, they did not intend to live forever in the States: "Three years there, and then come back" was their common saying. In 1918, they established Wada Village Amity Group.

In connection to the San Pedro Agricultural Corporation [San Pedro Vegetable Growers Association], seven members were from Tottori Prefecture. The majority came from Yumihama.

Written and ©2006, Prof. Takeo Yamamoto, Kwansei Gakuin University, School of Sociology under the title: "Migration to America and Prefectural Associations: As Seen in the Cases of Wakayama and Tottori Prefecture"

Note: Prof. Yamamoto used Japanese immigration records and documents which we don't have easy access to in the United States. We are grateful for his accounts which give us the bigger picture of emigration.

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Tottori Migration According to Family Accounts:

Falling Leaf, by Tadao Kadonaga

Japan maintained a closed-door policy until the Meiji Restoration in 1868 and anybody who left the country was executed. Universal and compulsory education was initiated and grammar school was built in Agarimichi Village (section of present Sakaiminato City) in 1874. By the time World War 2 started, About 2000 students graduated from this school and of the graduates, 250 migrated to the West Coast of North American continent from Vancouver to Southern California. Early pioneers departed from Agarimachi to Vancouver, Canada around 1890 and were successful in fishing, lumbering, agriculture, etc. In 1892, two pioneers from Agarimichi, Irie Kinji and Yamada Masazo returned and spread the word.

My grandfather, Shichinosuke Kadonaga, left Japan in 1902 when he was 19 years old and left his pregnant wife, Natsu, and a daughter, Aki. The average wage in Japan around this time was 50 cents a day and $1.50 in the United States. Men who went overseas were exempt from military draft in the 1904 Russo-Japanese War. Shichinosuke left Sakaiminato on a boat and went to Maizuru. From there, he went to Kobe by train. From Kobe, he left for Vancouver via Yokohama. He, then, proceeded to Southern California by railroad. He settled at Wilmington near Long Beach and farmed.

When he settled down, he called for his wife who had delivered my father, Masa, in October, 1902. She left both children in care of their grandparents, Yonesaburo and Oshichi. She joined Shichinosuke in 1910 by going the same route.

After Uncle Kenji and Uncle Torao were born in 1912 and 1915 respectively, They moved to Rancho Palos Verdes and developed 69 acres of wilderness into farmland and did vegetable farming. They grew tomatoes, cucumbers, squash, peas and beans. After successful crops in two successive years, Shichinosuke retired in 1923 and returned to Japan with his family. He left my parents with $1000 and told them to take over.

Shichinosuke and the remaining family left by railroad to Seattle and left for Japan on boat, but could not land at Yokohama on account of the Great Earthquake of Tokyo. They landed in Kobe and returned to Agarimichi by train. When they returned, the house was too small to accommodate all the returnees, so they bought the present large house on a half-acre lot for 5,000 yen. (It was estimated to be over $1,000,000 in value in 1998).

It is rumored that Shichinosuke returned with 100,000 yen ($50,000) and consequently, his nickname became 'juman' which means 100,000 in Japanese. When I am in Agarimichi, I was referred to as grandson of 'juman.'

©2006, Tadao Kadonaga in his family biography, Falling Leaf
Permission granted to JAHMP to reproduce this excerpt by the author.

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General Issei Migration from Wakayama

By Prof. Takedo Yamamoto

Wakayama Prefecture, southern neighbor of Osaka, is known as an area which launched one of the largest numbers of migrants to North America. From 1897 to 1911, 16,700 Wakayama residents went to sea: 5,885 to the United States (35.2%), 3,549 to Hawaii (21.3%), and 2,558 to Canada (15.3%). Around 70% of them went as laborers, and they were, what we call, immigrants.

Some of the characteristics of their migration are as follows: a) In the 1911 record of Japanese staying abroad, Wakayama appears fifth after Hiroshima, Kumamoto, Yamaguchi, and Fukuoka. Nevertheless, both their percentage of those who sent money home and their per capita sending amount were by far the largest. b) Their women ratio was less than 10%, conspicuously low. Compared with other areas in Japan, their migration style was more like "dekasegi," men alone working away from home. c) Many of them first went to Hawaii, and then moved to the United States, which is also one distinctive trait of Wakayama migration.

Around 1910, Japanese farmers came to hilly farms in San Pedro, known as Palos Verdes Estates. More arrived in Redondo and White Point, and in 1915, about 60 Japanese farmhouses were in the area in charge of dry farming. As for the Wakayama people's participation in the San Pedro Agricultural Corporation [San Pedro Vegetable Growers Association], ten members are documented from Hidaka County and Higashimuro County in Wakayama.

Written and ©2006 Prof. Takeo Yamamoto, Kwansei Gakuin University, School of Sociology (Rural Sociology) under the title: "Migration to America and Prefectural Associations: As Seen in the Cases of Wakayama and Tottori Prefecture"

Note: Prof. Yamamoto used Japanese immigration records and documents which we don't have easy access to in the United States. JAHMP are grateful for his accounts which give us the bigger picture of emigration.

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Yamanashi Prefecture Migration According to Family Accounts:

By Mutsuo Hirose

"Yama ga attemo" Yamanashi-ken is known as "a non-mountainous prefecture which is actually mountainous." The famous Mt Fuji is claimed by both Yamanashi Prefecture and Shizuoka Prefectures.

Most immigrants from Yamanashi Prefecture who came here in the early 1900's were here on student visas. This made them unique compared to immigrants from southern parts of Japan who were recruited as laborers. Most Yamanashi people arrived independent of each other to the United States, so they had few Yamanashi relatives or friends who migrated from the same village.

When my dad came to the United States, there were earlier Yamanashi arrivals in the area who were able to help him. I often heard about one man named Matsuda who farmed in West Covina. He let many Yamanashi natives stay at his home until they were able to find a place to settle permanently. Because of Mr. Matsuda's kindness, many Yamanashi people were able to settle in Southern California.

Four Yamanashi families settled in the San Pedro Hills as it was called then, but now known as Palos Verdes or Rolling Hills. The Hirose, Kubota, Yasaki and Kobayashi families came from different parts of Yamanashi Prefecture. When the Yasakis first arrived, they began working for my dad. Eventually, my father would let them lease that part of his land. This was a common way of how Yamanashi people lent a helping hand to new arrivals.

Most of my father's friends lived in the southwest section of Los Angeles near the Coliseum or "Seinan area". Mr. Komai, the founder of the Rafu Shimpo newspaper, was a Yamanashi success story. Some went into the dry cleaning business.

Because of their close-knit affiliations, many were able to survive the Great Depression. My dad almost single-handedly kept the Little Tokyo Zenshuji Temple afloat during those rough times.

Written and ©2006, Mutsuo Hirose
Permission granted to JAHMP to reproduce this account in its entirety

Issei Marriage Customs

The (Japanese) California Farmers' Cooperative Association supplied this 1922 description of "picture bride" customs:

"When a man (Japanese) living in America desires to marry, but is prevented by various reasons from going home, he writes to his parents, asking them to find a suitable women for his bride. The parents, following the usual customs and rules, fix on an eligible person. Then they intimate to the girl's parents that they are desirous of securing her marriage to their son in America. The parents on either side spare no pains in inquiring into the character, social standing, family relations, genealogy, health and education of the young man or woman. If this investigation proves satisfactory, both to the parents and to the prospective groom and bride, the man in America sends his photograph to the woman, and receives her photograph in exchange.

This 'interview' through photographs proving satisfactory to both parties, the nuptial knot is tied at a ceremonial dinner in which the groom, living in America is naturally absent, but which is attended by the bride and the parents and relatives of both sides. This done, the parents register the marriage with the proper authorities. This marriage has been regarded as valid both by the Japanese and American Government. In many cases exchange of photographs is not required, because it frequently happens that the prospective groom and bride were born in the same town or village and have known each other since childhood." P. 141

One Issei woman explained how the "nakodo" (go between matchmaker) played an important role:

"In those days young people had no choice about getting married. Marriage arrangements were made by parents, and there was no socializing between a man and his fiancée. The matchmaker (nakodo), usually a trusted family friend or distant relative, made overtures and arrangements for a possible marriage. Using a third party in these negotiations ensured minimal embarrassment to both families should the arrangements be unsuitable or the prospective bride or groom be rejected."

The nakodo was traditionally the person to convey the backgrounds of prospective mates and to present photos to the families. If the match was successful, the nakodo participated in the Shinto ceremony of wedding vows (sipping of sake in ceremonial cups between the couple).

"It took about ten months to conclude the arrangements. Then I was directed to exchange letters with him, because the only thing I had from Mr. Tomita was his picture. Ours might be considered a picture marriage, even though my husband came home (to Japan) for our wedding."

When Japanese marriage customs were taken out of cultural context, "picture brides" became a manipulative "practice" to circumvent immigration laws according to California nativists bent on Japanese exclusion. These marriages met all the customs and legalities of marriage in Japan, except the physical absence of the groom. The family involvement and approval were more crucial than the couple themselves: legal consent of patriarchs on both sides was required for daughters under 25 yrs and sons under 30 years old. Once the bride was entered into the husband's family registry, she was married. Nonetheless, U.S. authorities refused to acknowledge the legality of Japanese marriages until 1917. Couples were immediately re-wedded on American soil in U.S. immigration-approved group ceremonies performed in immigration halls, hotel lobbies or nearby churches.

In reality, there was more scrutiny of picture brides and prospective husbands than usual marriage matches. The Japanese Government took certain precautionary visa measures to insure that the wife would be economically supported. Until 1915, Issei laborers were not allowed to bring over wives. After 1915, they could apply for a "summoned wife" visa, Issei laborers had to show the Japanese Consulate a bankbook savings of $800-$1000, dated five months before the visa application. Farmers were required to show an annual profit of $400-$500. For migrant laborers with little earnings or lease-holding farmers just starting out, any savings was literally a labor of love.

After his bride disembarked at the port, the husband had to verify his identity and employment, in this case, a lease agreement or title. Issei men with business visas had to show higher economic worth. Upon departure, the wife showed Japanese authorities family registry documents verifying her marriage six months before the passport application. Her husband could not be more than 13 years older than the bride. Physical examinations were performed upon exit and entry in both countries to rule out contagious diseases, trachoma and hookworm.

Picture brides were hardly a blissful lot. Often the photo of a prospective husband showed someone more youthful, not the older weathered man the bride overlooked on the dock. Houses turned out to be mere shacks. Most Issei were farmers which meant wives were expected to help in sorting, weeding, cultivating and other physical labor in addition to cooking and child care from morning to night without complaint. Incompatibility led to desperate desertions with other men, often publicized in Japanese dailies with names, physical traits and a cash reward for information.

Yet most picture bride wives survived. Their arrival was a significant turning point when Issei men took up more settled occupations to support growing families. The sojourning laborer life was over. Desires to return to Japan faded as their children now had American birthright that secured the family's livelihood in the wake of alien land laws.

© 2006 JAHMP
See Resources for references used in this article.

Issei Railroad Work

By 1906, 13,000 Issei were working on the railroads which surpassed aging Chinese workers. Oriental Trading Company supplied workers from Seattle. Track men work meant severe labor: laying 40 foot rails, clearing after TNT, digging, moving boulders, replacing ties/ Issei gangs survived on salt water "dumpling soup" 3x a day when supplies ran out. Many developed night blindness from malnutrition. They slept in freight cars and bathed in the wild. Unscrupulous Japanese labor contractors took cuts from the average $1.15 daily wages--lower than $1.45 white pay. Still it was approximately six times the wages earned in Japan.

© 2006 JAHMP
See Resources for references used in this article.

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